Drew French and
Connie Brandin
Decade Paper:
1710-1719
Professor Westblade
14 February 2011
1710s
In 1716, a thirteen-year-old Jonathan
Edwards left home for the first time. He had already shown that he was smart
boy by obtaining proficiency in Greek and Latin by this early age. Yet he had a
new collegiate challenge in front of him which opened him up to a new set of
possible influences. He pledged to learn what Yale, a new college, would teach
him. Yale, as with any institution, was shaped by the culture, politics, and
ideas of the time. What then were
the current events that shaped the thinking at Yale, and so the thinking of the
young Edwards? To understand Edwards, we must first seek to understand the
political, economic, philosophical, and religious currents of the time. Edwards
had to decide to resist or accept these aspects of his culture. In order to
understand his application of the gospel we must first understand his culture.
So this brief study hopes to reveal these influential political situations,
economic realities, secular ideas, and religious responses that shaped his
education in the 1710s.
The
colonial time, specifically from 1713 to the revolution, was marked by
expansion (Morison 92). The expansion happened in territory, population, and
economic power. These advancements hinged on the unprecedented availability of
good land. The landÕs affordability meant that nearly anyone could get a farm
of their own. Then someone could take his livelihood into his own hands; his
wealth could expand with hard work. The desire for farms let the settlements
extend north and south of New England along the coast. New settlements emerged
such as Litchfield in 1719, Sheffield in 1725, and Williamstown in 1750
(Johnson 86). Beginning in the 1720s the expansion continued to the south and
inland into what is now North Carolina, Kentucky, and Tennessee. The dimension
of settled land was growing rapidly and there seemed to be no end to the
available land. This opportunity must have caused an enthusiastic spirit in the
Colonialists.
This
territory expansion led to a huge population boom. In 1713 there were about
360,000 colonists, by 1760 there were 1,600,000 (Carruth, 92). There are two
reasons to contribute to this growth. Firstly, with plenty of means available
on the farm, families had many children. Secondly, the lure of cheap land drew
immigrants from all over Europe. The opportunity available in the New World
tempted many to join its quickly growing ranks.
The
resources of the continent supported all of its new inhabitants. A major
commodity in the time was wood. EnglandÕs desire to rule the sea necessitated a
huge fleet. There was a seemingly endless supply of trees on the continent and
the colonists were quick to make good uses of their resources. Americans soon
became better shipbuilders than their counterparts in England. Not only were
the American ships better, but they were 20-50% cheaper. In addition to selling
ships, their availability allowed the colonists to build a large commercial
shipping fleet. They would sell the low-quality small fish to the French West
Indies, the high-quality small fish to England, and the large fish to New
England (Johnson 92). As cities grew, other businesses were formed to meet the
demand. For instance, bookstores became more common. They first reached the
continent in 1698 and by 1711 there were 30 stores in Boston alone (Carruth,
45). While this economic growth was good for the expanding colonies, it
contributed to a tension between America and England.
The
speed of this development prevented the authorities to maintain control over
the economy. Historian Paul Johnson says that Òso many things were happening in
America, at such a speed, that the authorities simply lost touchÓ (Johnson 91).
By the time information would reach the authorities, it would often be
outdated. Or worse, the governors would not report the whole truth of what was
happening in the colony. The original purpose of colonies was to make money for
the home country. America could have been a great resource for England, but
England was unable to harness the growth of America. With such a slow
communication system, the Americans became tired of waiting on the officials to
give certifications for building businesses and buying land. Sometimes they
would just sidestep official channels altogether. Many of the expansion and
industrial growth was illegal. England enforced some restrictions on things
such as wool, hats, and steel furnaces. These restrictions, however, were
sometimes enforced and sometimes ignored (Johnson 89). They failed to suppress
or harness the economic growth of America. So while America grew rich, England
only benefitted moderately from her American colonies.
In
1717, England began to send criminals to America as bonded labor. While this
appeared to help America, it quickly proved unhelpful. The convicts were lazy,
complaining, and feared by the colonists. Horror stories of them murdering the
children of their bosses hurt their reputation. This practice faded from
prominence in the 1760s, but not before about 10,000 criminals came to America.
Overall it did not help the American-English relations; William Byrd II wrote
to an English friend: ÒI wish you would be so kind as to hang all your felons
at homeÓ (Johnson 96). This practice did not help the strained relationship.
The
relationship between the colonies and England was beginning to be strained
during the 1710s. The tension seems inevitable in hindsight. Americans did not
want to deal with the inefficiency of having its governing body an ocean away.
In attempt to avoid this difficulty they avoided reporting their growth to
England at all and so left the government out of it. This hands-off approach
worked for the colonists until they needed something to be done from the
government. The biggest thing they expected was military support against the
Indians and possible slave revolt. Clashes with the Indians began because of
the colonistsÕ use of the land for their cattle. The Indians were obviously
angered to be thusly displaced. In April of 1715 the Yamassee Indians killed
hundreds of settlers in Carolina. The colonists responded the next year by
defeating the Yamassee by allaying with the Cherokee. Incidents like these made
the colonists discontent with the lack of protection they were getting from the
thrown. But England was hardly motivated to commit her troops to protect the
expansion of settlers. The tension between England and America hinged on the
expectations of what a colony was supposed to be for her mother country.
Violence
also erupted in New York City a group of African American slaves revolted.
Slavery in the city context lent itself to such an outbreak of violence for two
main reasons. Firstly, the slaves all lived in the same section of the city
giving them ample opportunity to plan a revolt. Secondly, they often worked
alongside free men. This gave them added motivation to change their situation.
In April of 1712 twenty three blacks set fire to a building in the middle of
the city. As the fire spread, they attacked those who tried to quell it. They
killed at least nine whites before they were overcome by the militias from New
York and Westchester. The event prompted the whites in New York to make much
stricter slavery laws (pbs.org). In response to the revolt, the colonies felt
the need to have a strong government to protect them.
While
the feeling of the 1710s was one of excitement, expansion, and potential; it
also held trepidation about the struggle against the Indians and the weakening
relationship with England. The tension between colony and country did not seem
to have an immediate solution, so it was largely avoided by accepting little
governmental control (on the positive side) and help (on the negative side).
The excitement and the trepidation of the political situation may have
contributed to the religious state of the colonies.
The
colonist stood on a puritan tradition that had been practiced for a few
generations. But a couple of factors challenged this tradition around the
1710s. The immigration from all over Europe brought with it different
denominations. In addition to this, the academic world was beginning to
formulate what would become deism. The dissemination of deistic thought into
the Puritan America was slower than Europe (Singer 26). The puritan tradition
dampened the influence of deistic thought in America. By the 1710s, the puritan
society had existed about three generations. So the intriguing deistic ideas
prevalent in Europe had a cultural stigma in America which stunted their
influence. Many colonial thinkers were forced to confine their deistic musings
beliefs to their private diaries and letters.
Deism
and Calvinism held three similar elements. Firstly, they both held the orthodox
view that God created and sustains the world. Secondly, this God gave mankind
the ability to reason. Thirdly, men must, in response to the reality of God,
live morally. Deism, however, gradually turns away from divine revelation
towards a more natural theology. It places a greater emphasis on human reason
rather than divine reason. God chooses to work through reason and natural laws.
This means that it is better to know God through natural reason than divine
revelation. As a result, natural
theologians were more willing to disregard Sola Scriptura and throw out the portions of Scripture
when they felt it conflicted with reason.
Natural theologians were willing to acknowledge the need of divine
revelation in the creation of the world. They rejected, however, other
essential doctrines to the Puritans such as the Fall, total depravity,
effectual calling (Singer 25). The teachings and followings of Jesus were still
held in high regards, but only those as a moral teacher, not the actual Son of
God. Natural theologians shied away from prophecy, miracles, or anything
dependent on divine revelation.
The
two primary minds behind the formation of deism are John Locke and Sir Isaac
Newton. Locke died in 1706, making his influential writing just beginning to
work its way into more and more peopleÕs minds. Newton published in the 1710s
and died in 1727. Their philosophies and discoveries gave deism the key
components it needed to propel in colonial America. Because of the significant
influence of deistic though prior in England, universities in America were
ready to teach that deism.
John Locke is primarily known for his
advancements in philosophy in An Essay Concerning Human Understanding. In this essay, he claims there are two
sources of knowledge: reason and revelation. He was not as quick (as some deists were)
to reject the divine aspects of the Christian religion and rely solely on
humanityÕs reasoning abilities (Morais 35). He believed both rationality and
miraculous events made the Christian faith plausible and divinely confirmed. This confirmation, he explained,
came both from the fulfillment of Old Testament prophecy and the miraculous
events in JesusÕ time. Locke was additionally influenced by Latitudinarianism,
which emerged in the 17th century and believed doctrine, liturgy
practice, and ecclesiastical organization were of low importance. Locke also offered a clear opinion for a
freedom of thought and expression (Waring xii). Deists would later harp on such an idea
and claim it as necessary component to their argument because maximizing reason
would be the ideal way to develop oneÕs independence and individuality.
Sir
Isaac Newton, on the other hand, provides the substantial evidence deists use
to point and prove natural theology. He is best known for his advancements in
physics and calculus. NewtonÕs
popularity during the 1710 decade is evident through the pressure he received
in 1713 to publish a second edition of Principia. NewtonÕs
concepts of physics and calculus showed that the world is measurable and
ordered. The world seemed much like a system which God set in motion and left
to its natural laws. Why would God mess with the wonderful laws of physics
which he created? The world, then, is ruled by natural laws which will never
fail. This extension of reason made Newton less orthodox than Locke. Newton
believed in the Biblical account for creation and wrote numerous religious
tracts at the end of his life. Despite this concern with religion, he denied
the doctrine of the Trinity and believed worshiping Jesus as God was idolatry. His ideas are at odds with measures of
orthodoxy like the Nicene Creed.
One might think, however, that the
Puritans had a strong reaction against such thought. This is not necessarily the case due to
natural theologyÕs development into three positions:
(1)
Natural religion leads to, and is completed and purified by, revealed religion.
(2) The content of both modes of religion is the same, but they differ in the
manner and clarity of our knowing. (3). Natural religion contains all that is
true in revealed religion; where the latter differs, the differences are either
morally insignificant or superstitious.
(Waring ix-x)
It
is important to note one of the most influential Puritan voices during this
time period, Cotton Mather, believed aspects of LockeÕs and NewtonÕs
advancements coincided with his desire to return to the theological roots of
Puritanism. Mather rose in popularity through his strong stance against Solomon
StoddardÕs view of communion, his influence in the Salem Witch Trials, and his
writing over 400 books and pamphlets. While Cotton Mather was a Puritan
minister he was very connected to the scientific community. He believed
strongly in the necessity of both divine revelation and reason. In 1712, he
began writing frequently to the Royal Society. Eventually his publishing of Curiosa
Americana gained him
entrance into the society. He contributed observations in geology, Newtonian
physics, medicine, and zoology. Additionally, he submitted a series of 13
scientific abstracts that were eventually incorporated in the SocietyÕs 1714
publication of Philosophical Transactions (Beall 336).
With the rise of such important
philosophical and scientific advancements, colleges and universities were
anxious to incorporate such material into their curriculum. By 1718, HarvardÕs
enrollment had increased to 124 students under the first non-minister
president, John Leverett. LeverettÕs challenge came in trying to figure out how
to preserve HarvardÕs orthodox reputation in the wake of such advancement. With
a higher enrollment number, students began to seek other vocations besides
ministry, and as a result, Òthe college changed in subtle but far-reading waysÓ
(Stout 131). Leverett decided to solve such a dilemma by encouraging students
to read. The deistic ideas gained access into students minds. The books read at
Harvard, and its smaller counterpart Yale, influenced the students in America
with deistic thought. Students had to decide then how they would view
scripture. They could see in a naturalistic frame. Or they could consider that
naturalistic view a neutering of the sacred, inspired, true scripture.
Regardless of that choice, students were faced with both Calvinism and deism.
Even those who remained Puritan, had tested their belief against the
intellectual attack of deism.
Yale,
1916, the young Edwards enters his higher education. The religion of his
parents was still with him, but was facing the larger influence of the
university setting. His country was excited at its rapid expansion. The
excitement of cheap, new land resonated in peopleÕs hearts and minds. There was
also, however, a storm brewing. A hint of tension was beginning to creep into
the coloniesÕ relations with England. Religion was at a crossroads: would
people accept the deistic influence or remain true to the Calvinism of their fathers?
Edwards receives his education with these questions in the air. Out of this
tension, he becomes in his later years one of the most clear Calvinistic
thinkers. From the tension of his time he sought, and found, clarity.
Works Cited
"Africans in America/Part 1/New York's Revolt of 1712." PBS: Public Broadcasting Service. Web. 14 Feb. 2011. <http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/aia/part1/1p285.html>.
Beall,
Otho T. "Cotton Mather's Early "Curiosa Americana" and the
Boston Philosophical
Society of 1683." The
William and Mary Quarterly
3rd ser. 18 (1961): 360-72.
Carruth,
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1997.
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David Edwin. Unto a Good Land: a History of the
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William B. Eerdmans, 2005.
Johnson,
Paul. A History of the American People. New York, NY: HarperCollins, 1998.
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Herbert M. Deism in Eighteenth Century America. New York: Columbia UP, 1934.
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C. Gregg. A Theological Interpretation of American History. Phillipsburg: Presbyterian
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Stout,
Harry S. The New England Soul: Preaching and Religious Culture in
Colonial New
England. New York: Oxford UP, 1986.
Waring,
E. Graham. Deism and Natural Religion: a Source Book. New York: Frederick Ungar,
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