Garrett Holt
18th Century Theology
Dr. Westblade
November 26, 2013
A Life of Preparation
After
a disgraceful dismissal from Northampton in 1751, Jonathan Edwards, one of the
premier theologians of his age, found himself without a pulpit. Instead of assuming a new, prestigious
position is Scotland or Virginia, he decided to head west to the frontier town
of Stockbridge. In this little town
on the Western edge of Massachusetts, Edwards was hired as a missionary for the
Mahican and Mohawk Indians settled in and around the settlement of Stockbridge. Although seemingly at setback after
leaving a respectable church, the seven years spent in Stockbridge proved to be
some of the most defining of his career.
From 1751 to 1758, Edwards finally had the time to compile and write
many of his major works, and through his experiences in the last decade with
Northampton and David Brainerd, deal wisely with the crises he faced at
Stockbridge. Through his missions
work with the Indians in Stockbridge, Edwards reveals his Constantinian view of
the role of the state and church, his millennial eschatology, and his
understanding of Indian nature and subsequent notions of aboriginal education. First
established in 1734, the town of Stockbridge, Massachusetts was founded as a
missionary hub for the local Mahican Tribe. This unique settlement was an
experiment, started as a place where colonists and Indians could cohabit and
Indians could be taught the Gospel and English culture (Marsden 5). In 1736, John Sergeant, a missionary
pastor, came to Stockbridge to lead the Indian missions. After a few lonely years, the family of
Ephraim Williams, who would become vicious adversaries of Edwards, came to
town. Sergeant soon fell in love
with WilliamsÕ brilliant daughter, Abigail, and wedded her in 1739. His work was met with success and the
village began to grow, until he came down with a fever and died in 1749
(Marsden 7). With him gone, the fate of the Stockbridge experiment was
uncertain. Due to the absence of
such a leader and the rampant corruption from the Williams family remaining, whom the Indians distrusted, turmoil swept the town. Thus
was the climate Edwards entered into in 1751. Jonathan
Edwards also recently suffered a hard spell back in Northampton where his
congregation relieved him of his position as pastor. Still reeling from this event, Edwards
sought a place to settle down with his large family. He was offered a position at a church in
Virginia, and some of his supporters lobbied for him Scotland, but he ended up
accepting a job as a missionary in the backwoods of Massachusetts in relative
obscurity. Edwards made this
decision partly because of his large family and the logistical and financial
difficulties of moving several colonies over or across the ocean, but also
because, despite his fame and success, his Calvinism was at war against the
Arminian theology that controlled most of Eastern Massachusetts (Gura 168). After JonathanÕs visit to Stockbridge
the year before he arrived, in which the WilliamsÕ initial disapproval was
somewhat quieted, the Edwards settled into the frontier town. Alongside
the practical reasons for moving to Stockbridge, some purpose must be
associated with the spirit of David Brainerd. Brainerd, born on April 20th,
1718, in Haddam, Connecticut, despite his immense physical and emotional
handicaps, went on to become one of the most influential missionaries in
Christianity. Brainerd only spent four of his short, twenty-nine years as a
missionary, but his life of love, self-sacrifice, and reliance upon God for
strength spurred countless others, even Edwards, to missionary work (MacCormac
227). Brainerd, a close family
friend of the Edwards, spent the last months of his short life in their home
(Piper 131). There even existed a
brief, but deep love between Brainerd and JonathanÕs daughter Jerusha. Edwards describes one of BrainerdÕs
farewells to Jerusha, just five months before he died, ÒIf I thought I should
not see you, and be happy with you another World, I could not bear to part with
you. But we shall spend an happy
Eternity together!Ó (Edwards 234).
Seeing BrainerdÕs success with the Indians and simply spending so much
time with such a missionary minded soul helped lead Edwards to make the
decision to begin mission work amongst the Natives. Upon
arriving at Stockbridge, Edwards was immediately assaulted by the chaos
resulting from SergeantÕs death.
The most detrimental issue he dealt with at Stockbridge was the corrupt
control of the town by the Williams family (Gura 169). This family would repeatedly clash with
Edwards during his tenure at the settlement over various issues. Foremost of
these, and ÒMost irritating to the Indians were the land maneuvers of Squire
Ephraim Williams and his adult sons who were building the family fortune by
consolidating claims to choice real estateÓ (Marsden 8). This underhanded practice caused the
Indians to seriously distrust the Williams, and many whites in
Stockbridge. The widespread self-interest
eventually led to more whites coming to town than agreed, resulting in increased
hostility between the Colonists and the Indians (Marsden 10). The Indians frequently accused the
Stockbridge settlers, especially the Williams, of being just like every other
promise-breaking, British man. The
unjust appointment of clearly incompetent friends and family to positions in
the town served to further alienate the Indians. Fortunately
for Edwards, his good reputation preceded him and he was able to win the trust
of many of the natives. The Indians
also knew him to be a friend of David Brainerd, whom they all highly admired (Marsden
11). Edwards dealt with the Indians
differently than a majority of the colonists of his time. Most English viewed Indian culture
as belonging Òto the tribe of SatanÓ (Marsden 12). Thus many of their dealings with the
Indians were less than civil and almost always politically motivated. Many of the British missions functioned
not only to win Indians to Christ, but to establish
alliances with Indian tribes and to further the British cause. This utilitarian side of British policy
is unfortunately the majority of what the Stockbridge Indians experienced with
the WilliamsÕ dealings.
EdwardsÕ
view of Indian nature was much less prejudiced. He believed that the Indians
held a high potential for intellectualism, if it could be harnessed (Wyss
51). Although he did possess a
general disdain for Indian culture, it lay largely in the fact that it was
without the Christian God and therefore morally degenerate. But he viewed this degeneracy in the
same way that a non-saved European was morally degenerate. He believed that human depravity was the
same, regardless of ethnicity, ÒIt was once with our forefathers as tisÕ with
you,Ó ÒThey formerly were in a great darknessÉ we are no better than you in no
respectÓ (Marsden 12). Although
others, such as missionary George Hawley, criticized Edwards for being na•ve of
the political aspect of British missions (Marsden 426). Hawley, who had witnessed firsthand the
atrocities of British ÒmissionÓ work, developed a healthy dose of realism that
Edwards, despite his brilliance, could not see past in his own views of church
and state.
Working
through his Constantinian perspective, he believed that God uses empires, in the same way He used Israel, to bring about the
Gospel (Marsden 425). Coupled with his millennial theology that America was
GodÕs chosen land for the Millennium to start, Edwards viewed frontier
expansion as the inseparable work of the church and state being invaluable to
the cause of ChristÕs Kingdom on Earth (Gura 166). In his sermon, The Latter-Day Glory is Probably to Begin in America, Edwards,
referring to the Millennium, states, Òwe cannot reasonably think otherwise,
than that the beginning of this great work of God must be near. And there are
many things that make it probable that this work will begin in America,Ó and
also, more specifically to his work,
And if we may suppose that this
glorious work of God shall begin in any part of America, I think, if we consider
the circumstances of the settlement of New England, it must needs appear the most likely, of
all American colonies, to be the place whence this work shall principally take its rise. And, if
these things be so, it gives us more abundant reason to
hope that what is now seen in America, and especially in New England, may prove
the dawn of that glorious day; and the very uncommon and wonderful
circumstances and events of this work, seem to me strongly to argue that God
intends it as the beginning or forerunner of something vastly great (Cherry
58).
This eschatology was prevalent in mid-eighteenth century theology.
Other contemporary, influential ministers, such as Ezra Stiles, who went on to
become President of Yale, called the United Sates, ÒGodÕs American IsraelÓ (Cherry
83). The idea that the New England,
Puritan colonists were the Israelites pressing into the pagan wilderness of
Canaan gave credence to the idea that the Native Americans were the evil
Canaanites, devil worshippers.
Although, as discussed, while Edwards did not accept all aspects of this
view, he still maintained the belief that once the frontier was won for Christ,
and coincidentally Britain, then Christ would usher in Millennium. Edwards
believed the best way to minister to the Indians was, not through their native
tongue or translators as Brainerd had used, but by civilizing and teaching them
English (MacCormac 226). In a
letter to his dear friend Joseph Bellamy, Edwards states, ÒI would also propose
the following things viz that pains be taken with Ôem to teach Ôem the English
Tongue to learn Ôem the meaning of English words & what the name of
everything is in EnglishÓ (Edwards 241).
As Marsden points out, ÒEdwards kept the tie close between the light of
the gospel education and IndiansÕ practical interestsÓ (Marsden 12). In a way that would anger George Hawley,
Edwards stressed the Indians learn English not just to know the Gospel, but to
adhere to British customs and policy.
Edwards found Indian language and customs Òbarbarous and barren,Ó and thought
the best and truest way to evangelize to the Natives was to immerse them in
English culture (Marsden 14). However,
unlike most British, EdwardsÕ foremost goal, despite any na•ve trappings, was
to evangelize to the Indians (Wyss 50).
He increasingly lost patience with the current, British form of
education for the Indian Children.
Most Indians were simply taught the meaning of words, without stressing
an actual understanding. Edwards
lamented this type of teaching, stating, Òthe child should be taught to
understand things, as well as words,Ó and Òthe children learn to read, to make
such sounds on the sight of such marks; but know nothing what they say and have
neither profit nor entertainment by what they readÓ (Marsden 14).
What Edwards recommended and implemented at his schools was a much
more conversational type of learning, actually being able to understand and
meet the needs of the native youth.
His model encouraged inquisitive youth to ask questions and engage in
conversation to seek actual understanding, upending the hierarchical system
that dominated the English world (Wyss 51). He also sought to integrate English
children into Indian schools and have Indian girls be educated, as well as
boys. His curriculum was much more
intensive and well rounded, not only teaching just reading, like most of the
schools, but spelling and arithmetic too(Marsden 14). Learning, he believed, should be
motivated not by fear of harsh punishment, but by the pleasure of knowledge
(Wyss 52). Looking
to the broader political spectrum, Edwards viewed the poor Indian education
system as a leading cause of the detiorating British-Indian relations. He not only blamed the education, but
the British policy of expansion and broken promises that led to rampant
distrust of the English settlers.
For years, the French faithfully invested in mission work amongst the
Indians, living with them and gaining their trust (Marsden 13). The seemingly cold, English policy of
making the natives convert to English ways by forcing them to come to British
towns and assimilate could not stand up to the French model and came off as
firmly utilitarian. The mistrust of
the English displays itself most fully at the outbreak of the French and Indian
a few years later, in which the British only enlisted one major eastern tribe,
the Mohawks (Marsden 416). During
his tenure in Stockbridge, Edwards cemented his legacy by writing most of his
major works such as the Nature of True
Virtue, The End for which God Created
the World, and The Freedom of the
Will. Without a congregation to
look after, Edwards had the time to put his works into writing, despite the
volatile environment at Stockbridge.
Whereas Brainerd spent much of his time his time dwelling with the
Indians, Edwards Òwas primarily an administer. He was concerned with directing others,
who in turn, had direct contact with the IndiansÓ (MacCormac226). This freed up much time he previously
did not have in Northampton.
Edwards appears, in some ways more matured in Stockbridge. Different experiences throughout his
life grew him into the man that dealt with the Williams, persevered through the
Indian threats, and sought to reform Native American missions.
While
in Stockbridge, Edwards purposes seem to change from
Northampton. In Northampton he came
across as an aloof theologian, obsessed with abstractions. In Stockbridge he appears Òas a
missionary deeply involved in the practical affairs of his day.Ó Marsden proposes that Òhe always
displayed the wider practical interests and that we simply know more about them
in the Stockbridge years because he was forced to write letters about themÓ
(Marsden 13). This condensed
timeframe in Stockbridge reveals how Edwards grew since Northampton and can be
viewed as a crucible where different events forced him to display his character
and views to deal with the situations at hand. Due
to the situations and issues he was thrust into at Stockbridge, one sees some
of his main theological views revealed in various forms. His love of evangelization and showing
others the glory of God put him a unique position amongst the Indians where one
sees his millennial views as well as his loving view of the Indians that
separated him from many other English of his time. Though others question his choice to
move to the frontier, Edwards never questioned GodÕs will for him. Because of
this humble obedience, subsequent generations have been
blessed by his religious treatises written during this time. After a
tumultuous seven years on the frontier he accepted the position of President of
Princeton after the death of its former President, EdwardsÕ son-in-law Aaron
Burr, and was dead within a year after being inoculated with the smallpox
vaccine. Thus, the years
spent in a backwoods, Massachusetts settlement proved
to be the climax of his ministry in which a lifetime of ministry had prepared
him for.
Work Cited
Edwards, Jonathan, and Stanley T. Williams. "Six Letters of Jonathan Edwards to Joseph Bellamy." The New England Quarterly 1.2 (1928):
226-42. Web.
Gura, Philip F. Jonathan
Edwards: America's Evangelical. New York: Hill and Wang, 2005. Print.
MacCormac, Earl R. "Jonathan Edwards and Missions." Journal of the Presbyterian Historical Society
39.4 (1961): 219-29. Web.
Marsden, George M. Jonathan
Edwards: A Life. New Haven: Yale UP, 2003. Print.
Marsden, George M. "Jonathan Edwards, the Missionary." The Journal of Presbyterian History 81.1
(2003): 5-17. Print.
Piper, John. The Hidden Smile of God: The Fruit of
Affliction in the Lives of John Bunyan, William Cowper, and David Brainerd.
Wheaton, IL: Crossway, 2001. Print.